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    Character Personal characteristics that impact the reception, engagement and effects of pornographyContext Situations in which pornography is viewed that make a difference to how it is understoodContent The content of pornography varies, some factors important in its reception

    Gender Age Pubertal development Cultural background Religiosity Socio-economic status (SES) Sexual orientation Sexual interest Sexual experience Sexual/abuse history Relationship status Sensation seeking Aggression Attitude towards violence against women Attitude towards pornography	Accidental  Intentional First exposure Frequency of use Duration of viewing Purpose Experiential state (e.g., arousal) With sexual partner/peers/alone Perceived realism Sexual education Critical literacy Familial situation Parental communication Communication with friends Age of friends Perceived peer norms	Condom use/nonuse  Women as sex objects Depictions of violence Women as aroused by violence Racist stereotypes Point of view (POV) Power relations Affection

    Gaps in the literature and future research

    Other factors

    Research is often organised around hypotheses and results without attention to the social contexts and a range of other factors. There is also evidence that one’s pre-existing understanding of sexual norms (what kinds of sexual activities are appropriate) affects how distressing exposure to pornographic material depicting other kinds of activities is for younger children. There is also a lack of attention to mediating factors and transactional relations; that is, how other variables may affect pornography use. For example, much research is preoccupied with causal claims about pornography use (i.e., that using pornography causes harm), yet fails to explore how the harms may be related in other ways (i.e., that there may be an underlying cause of both pornography use and, for example, sexually aggressive behaviour, rather than mapping straightforwardly sexually aggressive behaviour as an effect of pornography use). This shows how both age and cultural context make a difference in the effects of SEIM. More research is needed on how pornography acts in the construction of masculinity, heterosexual masculinity in particular, and adolescents’ developing concepts of what it means to "be a man". 528).

    Constructions of masculinity

    "Historically, consuming pornography is a male act and seldom done by women […] Heterosexual masculinity is then a central part of the ethnography of pornography and also illustrates the connection to the social world of roles, values and social structure of society"(Löfgren-Mårtenson & Månsson, 2010, p. Research that includes transactional relations "describe[s] the implications of media use more realistically and validly" than that which assumes a linear notion of media effects (Peter & Valkenburg, 2016, p. 72-73).

    Relationships within families

    Surprisingly little research has addressed intra-familial relationships in regard to pornography use, for example the relationships between fathers and sons, siblings (especially older brothers), mothers and children and other relationships within families. Research suggests that the context within which SEIM is used affects how children and young people respond to the material, and that positive communication with parents or other adults may mitigate harmful effects by increasing self-confidence and self-esteem (Löfgren-Mårtenson & Månsson, 2010). Adolescent male sexual violence is entangled with social pressure to prove their masculinity (see Messerschmidt, 2000). They also note that "sexual socialisation is a gradual developmental process that occurs throughout life, a notion that is contrary to the idea that parents provide their children with the one-time, verbal ‘sex talk’" (Allen & Lavender-Stott, 2015, p. There is need for more research in this area, and especially in regards to co-viewing practices, as well as restrictive (rule setting and time limits) and active (giving instruction, guidance) mediation within families.

    One Dutch, two-wave study of adolescents (aged 12-17) found that parental mediation of SEM did not result in less sexual experience terraria porn mod at follow up (Nikken & de Graaf, 2012). Girls in that study whose parents had restricted their media use were more likely to be sexually experienced (Nikken & de Graaf, 2012). The researchers contrast this "widespread availability" of sexual imagery with the "lack of explicit instruction and explanation" from parents or other adults (Allen & Lavender-Stott, 2015, p. "It is necessary to understand that exposure to SEM [sexually explicit media] may shape sexual preferences and that young adults often selectively seek sexual media whose messages correspond with pre-existing preferences" (Morgan, 2011, p. Those researchers concluded that "parents’ provision of rules about viewing pornography during adolescence may reduce future pornography use by instilling the salient belief that the parent disapproves of viewing pornography" (Rasmussen et al., 2016; see also, Rasmussen, Ortiz & White, 2015). One study into college men’s first encounter with sexually explicit imagery (not necessarily pornography) found that most often this took place in the home before the age of 10 (Allen & Lavender-Stott, 2015). A USA study of emerging adults (aged 18-26), conversely, found that restrictive mediation of SEM by parents during adolescence carried over into their view on pornography as emerging adults (Rasmussen et al., 2016). These competing claims emphasise the need for more research into parent-child communication about sexual media and its effects, as well as the wider cultural contexts and expectations in which this communication takes place.

    Differences between adolescents and adults

    There have been mixed results as to whether or to what extent there are differences in the effects of pornography for adults and adolescents. Though there exists more research on adults, these are adults who grew up in a substantially different technological context than the current situation (i.e., without smart phones or Internet connections capable of streaming videos).

    How do effects differ for adolescents (than for adults)? There is little research that compares these groups, though one study found that the implications did not appear to differ (Peter & Valkenburg, 2011c). Do adolescents think pornography is more realistic than adults do? Which adolescents are most likely to be harmed? Who is vulnerable to which harmful effects? Research with adults indicates that many women feel betrayed upon discovering their male partner’s pornography consumption (e.g. Tylka & Van Diest, 2014). This point was echoed in one qualitative study, "If sexual education programs are to address online SEM, then it will be important to consider adolescent understanding of gender roles in sexual interactions, and especially masculinity norms, when providing adolescent boys with resources for critically viewing SEM" (Smith, 2013, pp. How do preferences develop? What do adolescents think are the effects/harms? How do they perceive pornography to act in their own relationships? Do adolescents have similar (or different) experiences and to what effect?

    What kinds of SEIM are adolescents watching? For example, do "teens who see sexually explicit materials early in their sexual maturation maintain an interest in such material and ‘graduate’ to more explicit content over time, of if they satisfy their curiosity, perhaps grow bored, and move on to other kinds of media content and/or activities"? (Brown & L’Engle, 2009, p. Do they form habits that become stable into adulthood, or do they move on? Does becoming a parent affect SEIM use and its position within relationships? And does this relate to developing sexual relationships? How do adolescents identify with the sexual acts depicted? 147) If people do "move on" from pornography, when? For men in that study, relationship quality and sexual satisfaction were also negatively associated with their pornography use (Szymanski & Stewart-Richardson, 2014). These are important questions for future research.

    Adolescent relationships

    If, as research suggests, most boys use Internet pornography, while most girls do not use pornography and find pornography degrading, then there are important questions to be asked about the relationships between boys and girls. In particular, how do girls experience their boyfriends’ pornography use?

    One online survey of USA college psychology students (aged 18-29) in heterosexual relationships found that "women’s reports of their male partner’s problematic pornography use were negatively associated with their self-esteem, relationship quality and sexual satisfaction" (Stewart & Szymanski, 2012, p. In another study, female partners of adult male SEIM users reported decreased sexual intimacy, lower self-esteem and demands that they participate in activities they find objectionable (Manning, 2006). All of these findings are not necessarily indicative of adolescents’ relationships, however.

    Safer sex practices

    It is worth noting that the practice of withdrawal (coitus interruptus)6 seems never to have been considered in research exploring adolescents’ associations between pornography use and sexual behaviours. More research is needed into adolescents’ experiences within relationships and the role pornography may play in developing sexual repertoires, as well as sexual pressure and coercion within relationships. For example, in one study of heterosexual couples, 72% of men and 56% of women reported SEIM use, and shared sexual media use was associated with higher relational satisfaction compared to solitary use (Bridges & Morokoff, 2011). In a longitudinal study with newlyweds in the Netherlands, researchers found a reciprocal relationship between SEIM use and poorer relationship satisfaction for husbands, which they explained as, "Husbands in poor relationships use more SEIM and more SEIM among husbands leads to poorer relationships" (Muusses, Kerkhof, & Finkenauer, 2015, p. Considering this is a sexual act indicative of almost the entire genre of pornography, this omission seems remarkable. In California, where much of the professional pornography is produced, regulations regarding safe work practices mandate the use of condoms and dental dams as barriers, as well as "ejaculation outside of the partner’s body" (Grudzen et al., 2009, p. Future research would do well to consider such a practice in terms of sexual health outcomes, including emotional effects, in more detail.

    See Appendix 1 for the evidence library that accompanies this report.

    Footnotes

    1 The researchers defined violence as "use of clear force (e.g., whips, pinching, slapping, hair pulling, bondage and kicking" (Gorman et al., 2010, p. 135).

    2 It is unclear whether participants in this study perceived this question to be asking about whether the pornographic sex depicted was real (rather than simulated) or realistic in a sense of how they expected sex to be.

    3 "Sexual satisfaction" refers to the extent of contentment, regardless of experience.

    4 Sexual activities involving blood are the riskiest in terms of blood borne virus transmission (Hepatitis C and HIV), though these activities have not been considered in the literature on pornography and adolescent sexual behaviours.

    5 There is no research investigating female-male anal intercourse in relation to pornography use by adolescents, and the research into anal sex does not distinguish between males who are active or receptive, rather it assumes males are active and females receptive without actually exploring this issue.

    6 Sexual intercourse in which the penis is withdrawn before ejaculation.

    It is important to recognise that for many couples SEIM use forms a shared part of their sexual relationship. If young people are influenced by what they see in pornography, then why has there been such a dearth of research into practices of withdrawal and its effects?